In this blog post, we examine the structural background of how the executive branch evolved into a key institution representing diverse interests amid the rise of labor parties and the spread of social solidarity.
The fact that labor parties entered parliament and gained influence shortly after the establishment of the Third Republic (1875–1940) is a fascinating subject of study in French political history. Formed on the basis of powerful labor unions, these parties adopted a parliamentary approach while still retaining a revolutionary character that sought to transcend the republican system. By actively embracing the demands of the labor party—which had the potential to grow into the most powerful political force—the Third Republic took on the dual challenge of stabilizing the system by incorporating these demands into its agenda. However, the execution of this task brought about significant changes to the principle of separation of powers between the legislature and the executive, as well as to the role of the state.
Above all, the rise of the labor party created a crack in the concept of the agenda that had been presupposed by existing parliamentary democracy. A new debate began not only regarding the general interest—where equal citizens cast a single vote at the ballot box—but also concerning how to define and understand the special interests held by specific groups. As the need arose to designate not only individuals but also occupational groups and unions as units of representation, the absolute status of the legislature—which represented equal individuals—began to shift. Instead, the executive branch expanded its role and authority by assuming the function of representing diverse interests. For example, in 1890, a Labor Committee comprising worker representatives was established within the government, and in 1906, this committee was reorganized into the Ministry of Labor.
By establishing various advisory committees based on the expertise and experience accumulated in specialized fields, the executive branch secured its legitimacy as a representative body. Furthermore, by redefining its agenda to actively recognize and accommodate the diverse interests of society, the executive branch performed a representative function that encompassed nearly every sector of society. Through this, the state established an image of itself as an entity actively engaged in dialogue with society. The Third Republic established and operated as many as 78 committees, the pinnacle of which was the National Economic Committee founded in 1916. This committee established a representative system divided into 37 occupational groups, faithfully representing national economic activities. Through specialized expertise and institutional mechanisms, the state identified the diverse special interests of society, coordinated and communicated them to form the general interest, and thereby established itself as the entity securing the legitimacy of its power through the formation of that general interest.
Meanwhile, the rise of labor parties also had a profound impact on the formation and strengthening of social solidarity. In the early days of the Third Republic, the government limited itself to acting as a fair mediator between workers and employers, intervening in social issues only in minimal areas such as guaranteeing the freedom to form professional associations, expanding education, and protecting the destitute. As a result, government measures remained limited to charitable assistance provided to those unable to support themselves. However, as the labor party grew in political strength, the state began to propose solidarism—a philosophy oriented toward social justice—as a more fundamental and proactive solution to social issues. Solidarism, which prioritizes ensuring that all individuals possess the capacity for a free social contract over free contracts between individuals, also conceptualized the welfare state by distancing itself from both economic liberalism and Marxism. A prime example of this is the unemployment insurance system introduced in 1914. The state devised the concepts of unemployment and the unemployed, recognized them as social realities arising from societal causes rather than individual incompetence or laziness, and began to manage them systematically. While these welfare policies were clearly the fruit of social solidarity achieved in response to the demands of the labor party, the state simultaneously used them to expand citizens’ rights and incorporate the working class into the nation’s fabric.
The emergence of workers’ parties, along with the resulting shift in the concept of representative democracy and the formation of social solidarity, established a new framework for French democracy. This signifies the formation of a democratic cycle within an expanded representative system, where the two elements—the state’s securing of legitimacy as a representative institution and the expansion of citizens’ rights—mutually influence one another in a circular manner. Within this cycle, workers’ parties, which had sought to reject the democratic system, ultimately established themselves stably within the system.
However, we must not overlook the fact that the role of the state continued to expand during this process. Moving beyond merely protecting individual freedoms from external threats, the state emerged as the educator and active protector of citizens, growing into a massive power that manages all aspects of citizens’ lives. Even the workers’ parties, which had emerged as fierce critics of state power, were co-opted into this massive power structure and became institutions of power themselves. These changes demonstrate that democratically controlling the state has become a new challenge for democracy today.
